第三,美日對中國堅持保衛釣魚島主權所思深切,迫使中國謀劃對策。比如埃爾德里奇認為,釣魚島主權之爭體現了日本在東亞優勢地位,中國如事實上占據釣魚島,就會順勢奪取琉球,或者讓琉球中立化。〔38〕麥克考馬克等認為,日本政府在釣魚島主權爭議上立場強硬,和害怕中國對琉球提出主權要求有關。美國操縱釣魚島問題,是為激化地區形勢,給美軍繼續留駐琉球群島提供依據,并在中日間保留“楔子”。〔39〕中國有必要深入研究琉球地位問題,化解美日壓力,避免長期被動。
第四,這一研究也有其邊界。中國可從俄和西方關係中有所鏡鑒。中國仍然要堅持在“東穩”框架下,加強對沖繩民衆反基地運動的研究,充分尊重當地民意,尋求和當地運動及東亞各國合作契機,合力構建東亞共同體,而不是滑入對抗。因此,也要對西方學者提出的危機管控思路取其精華。
總之,中外各界對琉球地位問題、釣魚島主權爭端的複雜性要有充分估計,早做謀劃,要從當今世界國際秩序轉變角度,從改造美國主導的東亞國際體系高度出發,認識沖繩民衆反基地運動的價值。對中國而言,則要從自身對琉球歷史關係所奠定的道義地位出發,與美日主導的西方國際法體系和聯盟體系展開博弈,使其難以再撥弄中國和周邊國家矛盾,或干擾中國統一大業。
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(全文刊載於《中國評論》月刊2024年2月號,總第314期,P42-50) |